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Republicans have accused Democrats throughout the 2012 election of stoking a "class warfare" by pushing a proposal to raise taxes on the wealthy, for making a campaign issue of Mitt Romney's tax returns and for demonizing his career in private equity.
The Republican tactic in the class war they accuse President Obama of stoking has been one of non-aggression.
"Sowing social unrest and class resentment makes America weaker, not stronger," Rep. Paul Ryan said in October 2011. "Pitting one group against another only distracts us from the true sources of inequity in this country"
But Romney's comments to a closed - and he thought unrecorded - fundraiser in May come at the class warfare from the other side of the fight. Romney conflated the 47 percent of Americans who do not pay income taxes with the portion of the country who would never vote for him.
Watch the viral Romney fundraiser videos.
At the fundraiser, Romney was trying to explain his strategy; how he has to appeal to the small percentage of people whose opinions can be changed. But the recording makes it seem as though he has real disdain for the people who oppose him: "victims" who are "dependent" on the government. And they're all people who don't pay income taxes, he said.
People who don't pay taxes, he implied to the room full of people paying $50,000 to help his campaign, vote for Obama. People who do, by extension, would vote for Romney.
Romney called the 5-month-old comments "inelegant" at a hastily called news conference in California - in between fundraisers - Monday night. But he didn't walk away from them.
It's not entirely true, of course. Many of the lower income people who don't pay income taxes still pay payroll taxes to the federal government, sales and state taxes at home, gas taxes at the pump. Others of the 47 percent simply don't have a job and might pay capital-gains taxes.
It was about a year ago, at the height of the Occupy Wall Street movement, that Romney said the protests were a dangerous form of class warfare.
"I think it's dangerous, this class warfare," he told a questioner at a retirement community in Florida in October 2011.
That was in contrast to his own argument, one of an America unified by its economic system. He had a run-in with an Occupy protester asking him what he'd do for the "one percent." His campaign promoted the video of Romney becoming agitated with the protester.
"Let me tell you something: America is a great nation because we're a united nation," he said in South Carolina just before the primary there in January. "And those who try and divide the nation, as you're trying to do here and as our president is doing, are hurting this country seriously.
"The right course for America is not to divide America and try and divide us between one and another. It's to come together as a nation. And if you've got a better model, if you think China's better, or Russia's better, or Cuba's better, or North Korea's better, I'm glad to hear all about it. But you know what, you know what, America's right and you're wrong."
Class warfare was a major talking point at the time, not just regarding the Occupy protests, but also because Obama was vocally pushing the Buffett Rule, his proposal to raise taxes on people making more than $1 million, as one element of dealing with the federal deficit.
"You can call this class warfare all you want. But asking a billionaire to pay at least as much as his secretary in taxes? Most Americans would call that common sense," Obama said during his State of the Union address in January.
He called simultaneously for delaying an end to a payroll tax cut for people who make less money. Watch that here.
Republicans have complained, accurately, that targeting the rich with new taxes wouldn't, in itself, solve the budget problem and also that it pitted one layer of the socio-economic strata against another. Democrats have countered that raising taxes will have to be part of the cure.
The issue will continue not matter who wins the presidency as the country faces a " fiscal cliff" that pairs the end of Bush era tax cuts and automatic spending cuts that will affect both the Pentagon and domestic spending programs.
Among the Republicans who most vocally equated the Buffett Rule with a kind of class warfare was Rep. Paul Ryan, the chairman of the House Budget Committee. This was long before Mitt Romney had secured the Republican nomination and long before Ryan was being considered as his running mate.
"Pitting one group against another only distracts us from the true sources of inequity in this country, corporate welfare that enriches the powerful, and empty promises that betray the powerless," Ryan said, accusing the president of a 'politics of division" in a speech to the Heritage Foundation later in October 2011.
Meanwhile, some conservatives on the right are applauding Romney's "inelegant" candor in the videos.
"This election poses a choice for voters: Do you want a country dependent on government programs and handouts, or do you want a country with an economy that produces good jobs and returns America to a higher standard of living?" said Jenny Beth Martin, national coordinator of Tea Party Patriots in a statement, calling Romney's comments an opportunity to have a necessary debate on government dependence.
"We need that guy on the campaign trail," Redstate.com's Erick Erickson tweeted of the comments in the surreptitiously recorded tapes.
But if Romney is to appeal in the next 49 days to the 5 percent or so of voters that he believes could get him to 50.1 percent and a victory, dismissing 47 percent of Americans as dependent, government-addicted victims could land him squarely into the "politics of division" that Ryan decried a year ago.
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Technical Writing & Communication
Technical Writing: A subfield focused specifically on written Technical Communication (which includes writing, editing, illustrating, speaking, designing, translating, coding, etc.).
Communication Rhetoric & Composition, CCR, RCC
Communication is rhetorical. In order to communicate, one must compose. Composition is rhetorical. Rhetoric is compositional and communicative. All three are valuable and important. Hardline distinctions between the three irritate me, though there are differences in terms of theory, methodology, etc. I'm alright with fuzziness here.
I see these distinctions because I've been learning and understanding the world through a media theory of composition lens, apparently. In brief, "a media-centered theory of composition (hereafter referred to as ?media theory?) focuses on the tools used in the composition process, and their opportunities and constraints." I'd argue that the tools are still used in the communication process as well. Furthermore, some might notice that I left out the "new media" part of that quote. I focus on digital media, but in relation to print, electronic, etc., media. "New" is too vague for me right now. So, I study what technologies people use to compose in order to communicate, rhetorically, how they use them for various purposes,? what people use them for/to do, who uses them, how technologies influence communication/composition processes, etc., broadly speaking. Consequently, I find the usability of technologies rather interesting. To be able to do anything about usability though, I find a technical understanding (and the ability to communicate, technically, and with rhetorical effectiveness) very helpful. Influencing usability, then, is also a rhetorical (and at some level political and ideological) act.
There. The world temporarily makes sense. This is not, however, an attempt to say that this is how the world is or should be. Rather, it's a helpful map for me to figure out what the heck I'm doing, and there's a whole lotta mapping not on this page. I'm still trying to understand how things are being mapped by others. Tomorrow, if not sooner, I'll probably say FYIAV (F--k you, I'm a vampire [Haraway]), and complicate these labels anyway. But, for the moment, I know where I am. Sort of. Except for all those things I left out.
Source: http://fleetingcarrots.blogspot.com/2012/09/mapping-my-academic-identity-sort-of.html
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FILE - In this July 12, 2011 file photo, country music artist Luke Bryan poses for a photo in Nashville, Tenn. Bryan " Bryan and The Band Perry's Kimberly Perry are ready to see a week's worth of hard work pay off when "CMA Music Festival: Country's Night to Rock? airs Monday on ABC. They are co-hosts for the three-hour TV special, which highlights the biggest performances and behind-the-scenes moments of CMA Fest. It was filmed June 7-10 in Nashville, Tenn. (AP Photo/Donn Jones)
FILE - In this July 12, 2011 file photo, country music artist Luke Bryan poses for a photo in Nashville, Tenn. Bryan " Bryan and The Band Perry's Kimberly Perry are ready to see a week's worth of hard work pay off when "CMA Music Festival: Country's Night to Rock? airs Monday on ABC. They are co-hosts for the three-hour TV special, which highlights the biggest performances and behind-the-scenes moments of CMA Fest. It was filmed June 7-10 in Nashville, Tenn. (AP Photo/Donn Jones)
NASHVILLE, Tenn. (AP) ? Country stars Luke Bryan and The Band Perry's Kimberly Perry are ready to see a week's worth of hard work pay off when "CMA Music Festival: Country's Night to Rock" airs Monday on ABC.
They are co-hosts for the three-hour TV special, which highlights the biggest performances and behind-the-scenes moments of CMA Fest. It was filmed June 7-10 in Nashville, Tenn.
"There are so many amazing live performances, but also one of my favorite parts were the interviews Luke and I got to do," said Perry in a recent interview. "It's a peek backstage and into the personalities of some of your favorite artists, some of our favorite artists."
Perry said her band mate brothers, Reid and Neil Perry, helped her prepare for interviews with unpredictable stars.
"I did one with Blake Shelton. You never know where that guy is going to go. So Reid pretended to be the non-talkative Blake Shelton, and then we had the Blake Shelton who took us on a goose chase," she said. "It was fun."
The co-hosts got to know each other last year as openers on Tim McGraw's "Emotional Traffic" tour. Asked how they would describe each other as hosts, Perry didn't hesitate.
"Luke has never met a stranger. This is Mr. Personality in tight jeans and a shirt," she said.
Bryan said Perry is never in a bad mood: "She's always so bubbly and fun."
"Aww, you're never on the tour bus (with me)," joked Perry, with a playful swat to his shoulder.
Fans won't likely see Bryan's most memorable hosting moment of the week. It happened backstage when the outfit he had to change back into got locked in his dressing room.
"You had to keep your wardrobe consistent the whole week," he said. "So we're beating on the door, and Two Foot Fred comes by in his little Hoveround. He clears us back and gets about a 10 foot head start and rams his Hoveround into my dressing room door. The door didn't give. Fred goes flying over the handlebars...He needed an airbag on that thing."
Fred was OK, but Bryan said his side still hurts from laughing so hard.
The CMA Fest TV special will feature performances from some of country music's biggest stars, including Bryan, The Band Perry, Jason Aldean, Eric Church, Faith Hill, Alan Jackson, Lady Antebellum, Miranda Lambert, Little Big Town, Martina McBride, Scotty McCreery, Brad Paisley, Rascal Flatts, Blake Shelton, Carrie Underwood, and Keith Urban.
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Online: http://www.cmaworld.com
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Follow http://www.twitter.com/AP_Country for the latest country music news from The Associated Press.
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